On the origins of x in Slavic

Title: On the origins of x in Slavic
Source document: Linguistica Brunensia. 2013, vol. 61, iss. 1-2, pp. [121]-128
Extent
[121]-128
  • ISSN
    1803-7410 (print)
    2336-4440 (online)
Type: Article
Language
License: Not specified license
Rights access
embargoed access
 

Notice: These citations are automatically created and might not follow citation rules properly.

Abstract(s)
This paper focuses on three regular sources of x in the Slavic languages. Beside the well-known source Pedersen's Law, there are two minor regular sources, namely the clusters *sk and *kH2. Especially the last source is the only remaining proof of secondary "voiceless aspirates" in Balto-Slavic, since all other clusters of voiceless stop + laryngeal disappeared without a trace in Balto-Slavic. Slavic x is thus heir to three regular independent processes, which merged into a single result. This resulting x was later supported by loanwords and onomatopoeic words, but none of those secondary sources is relevant, as they are not part of the system for x given by those three above-mentioned regular processes.
References
[1] ARUMAA, P. 1976. Urslavische Grammatik, Band II. Konsonantismus. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

[2] BIČOVSKÝ, J. 2008. Initial *x- in Slavic revisited. In: Chatreššar 2008. 23–45

[3] BUBENIK, V. 1996. The Structure and Development of Middle Indo-Aryan Dialects. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass

[4] BUBENIK, V. 2003. Prākrits and Apabhraṁśa. In: Cardona – Jain (2003). 204–249

[5] CARDONA, G. – JAIN, D. (eds.) 2003. The Indo-Aryan Languages. London: Routledge

[6] COLLINGE, N. E. 1985. The laws of Indo-European. Amsterdam − Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company

[7] DERKSEN, R. 2008. Etymological dictionary of the Slavic inherited lexicon. Leiden: Brill

[8] ELBOURNE, P. 1998. Proto-Indo-European voiceless aspirates. HF 111. 1–30.

[9] ELBOURNE, P. 2000. Plain voiceless stop plus laryngeal in Indo-European. HF 113. 2–28.

[10] ESSJ = Etymologický slovník jazyka staroslověnského 1–15. Praha: Academia (1–14) − Brno: Tribun (15).

[11] GEIGER, W. 1994. A Pāli Grammar. Oxford: The Pali Text Society

[12] HIERSCHE, R. 1964. Untersuchungen zur Frage der Tenues Aspiratae im Indogermanischen. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz

[13] TOWNSEND, C. E. − JANDA, L. A. 1996. Common and Comparative Slavic: Phonology and Inflection. Columbus: Slavica

[14] KLINGENSCHMITT, G. 1982. Das altarmenische Verbum. Wiesbaden: L. Reichert

[15] LINDEMAN, F. O. 1997. Introduction to the 'Laryngeal Theory'. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

[16] LIV = RIX, H. (ed.) Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2001

[17] MERLINGEN, W. 1973. Idg. x. IF 83. 37–73

[18] OBERLIES, T. 2003. Aśokan Prakrit and Pāli. In: CARDONA – JAIN (2003). 161–203

[19] PISCHEL, R. 1981. A Grammar of the Prākrit Languages. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass

[20] POKORNY, J. 1959. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch I–II. Bern: Francke

[21] REJZEK, J. 2008. The Proto-Slavic Word-initial x-. Praha: Karolinum.

[22] SHEVELOV, G. Y. 1964. A prehistory of Slavic. The historical phonology of Common Slavic. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

[23] STURTEVANT, E. H. 1941. The Indo-European voiceless aspirates. Language 17/1. 1–11. | DOI 10.2307/409455

[24] THÜMMEL, W. 1967. Der phonematische Status des urslavischen x. Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 21. 71–91.

[25] VASMER, M. 1950–58. Russisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch I-III, Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

[26] VENNEMANN, T. 1974. Sanskrit ruki and the Concept of a Natural Class. Linguistics 130. 91–97.

[27] WATKINS, C. 1965. Evidence in Balto-Slavic. In: Winter, W. (ed.): Evidence for laryngeals. 116–122. The Hague: Mouton.