Coordinate structure constraint: a-/a'- movement vs. clitic movement

Title: Coordinate structure constraint: a-/a'- movement vs. clitic movement
Source document: Linguistica Brunensia. 2017, vol. 65, iss. 2, pp. 69-85
Extent
69-85
  • ISSN
    1803-7410 (print)
    2336-4440 (online)
Type: Article
Language
License: Not specified license
 

Notice: These citations are automatically created and might not follow citation rules properly.

Abstract(s)
We discuss cases of apparent Coordinate Structure Constraint violations in Slovenian. We show that when two non-finite clauses are coordinated, clitics can front to the second position in the main clause from the first non-finite clause but not from the second, and an accusative argument can scramble to a position in the main clause from the first non-finite clause but not from the second. We argue that the apparent island violations result from post-syntactic movements and are thus not real island violations. Exhibiting typical properties of post-syntactic movements, clitic climbing and scrambling should thus be seen as PF-phenomena.
Note
We acknowledge financial support from the Slovenian Research Agency (program No. P6-0382).
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