Mapping the Presence of Paduan Repertoire in European Anthologies in the First Half of the Seventeenth Century

During their century-old activity, the cappella of the Basilica del Santo and that of the Cathedral of Padua welcomed among their collaborators such outstanding figures as Costanzo Porta, Luigi Balbi, Lelio Bertani, Amadio Freddi, Leandro Gallerano, and many others. Some of their compositions were included, alongside those of other chapel masters working in similar Italian chapels, in several collections printed in various European cities: Heidelberg, Munich, Nuremberg, Frankfurt, Antwerp, and Strasbourg. The aim of the present paper is a mapping the compositions of Paduan composers within the collections printed in Europe during the first half of the 17th century. In particular the attention will focus on the case of Il Trionfo di Dori (Venice, 1592) that was provided with German texts by Johann Lyttich (Nuremberg, 1612–1613) and Martin Rinckart (Leipzig, 1619). Beside that, the paper will investigate the channels that might have allowed these compositions to reach the various cities in which they were printed and the possible reasons for their

The aim of the present contribution is to map the compositions of Paduan composers that appear within collections printed in Europe during the first half of the seventeenth century alongside works by musicians active in the most outstanding chapels of the time (namely, Bologna, Milan, Rome and Venice). It will focus in particular on compositions by the chapel masters who worked at the Basilica of St. Anthony and at the Cathedral of Padua, the two fulcra of musical life in the town during the first fifty years of the seventeenth century. A considerable number of their compositions are featured in several collections printed in various European cities, such as Heidelberg, Munich, Nuremberg, Frankfurt, Antwerp and Strasbourg. Having identified these publications, the paper will then speculate on the channels that might have allowed these compositions to come into the hands of the various editors of the collections and the possible reasons for their extensive dissemination. In particular the attention will focus on the case of Il Trionfo di Dori (Venice, 1592) that was provided with German texts by Johann Lyttich and Martin Rinckart in their collections printed in Nuremberg and Leipzig from 1612 to 1619.
From the thirteenth century the music chapel of Padua cathedral and, from 1480, that of the Basilica of St. Anthony, represented the heart of religious and musical life in Padua. Throughout their long history, the personalities who were in charge to direct the musical chapels of these two institutions included outstanding musicians able to assimilate and appropriate the most innovative compositional techniques, thus keeping pace with similar institutions in the main centres in Italy. 1 Concerning the main topic of this paper, the chapel masters taken into account are those who worked in the above mentioned two Paduan chapels during the first half of the seventeenth century (Tab. 1), i.e. Costanto Porta, Lelio Bertani, Giulio Belli, Alvise Balbi, Giovanni Ghizzolo, Leandro Gallerano, Amadio Freddi, and others. Alongside these musicians, it is also appropriate to consider Ludovico Balbi, who had been a pupil of Costanzo Porta from 1565 to 1567 and was chapel master at the Cappella Antoniana from 1585 to 1591, because a significant number of his compositions -twenty in total -appeared in several collections printed outside the peninsula in the early Baroque period.
If we look at the collections printed in Italy and abroad during the first half of the seventeenth century, the compositions of the maestri active in the Paduan area can be detected in about sixty collections. Thirty-one of these (including the two reprints of Il trionfo di Dori and Symphonia angelica) appeared outside the Italian territory; more specifically, 12 in Antwerp, 7 in Strasbourg, 2 each in Frankfurt, Leipzig, Munich, Nuremberg, with Dresden, Heidelberg, Ingolstadt and Trier also represented (Tab. 2 and 3). Regarding the chosen repertoire, there was a noticeable balance between secular music, 1 A complete list of chapel masters active at the Basilica del Santo has been compiled by Giulio Cattin in the introduction to the collection of documents of SARTORI, Antonio. Documenti per la storia della musica al Santo e nel Veneto. Fonti e studi per la storia del Santo a Padova, V. Fonti, 4. Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1977. Chapel masters, organists and organ makers of the cathedral until the 16 th century are listed in CASIMIRI, Raffaele. Musica e musicisti nella cattedrale di Padova nei sec. XIV, XV, XVI. Contributo per una storia. In Note d'archivio per la storia musicale XVIII (1941), p. 28-31, 101-132, 182-214 andXIX (1942), p. 49-92. that was the focus of eleven collections and three reprints, and sacred compositions, that formed the basis of seventeen collections. 2 The composer with the highest number of works in collections printed abroad is Giulio Belli, who had been the chapel master at the Basilica of St. Anthony from 1606 to 1608. In fact, twenty-seven of his compositions are included in nine different collections. Also significant is the presence of compositions by Ludovico and Alvise Balbi, which are included in several collections, with twenty and thirteen compositions, respectively, while Lelio Bertani and Costanzo Porta are represented with about ten pieces each. 3 During the fifty years considered in this paper, the most productive period was that from 1609 to 1613, during which time ten collections were printed. Subsequently, in the years from 1616 to 1628, there was an average of one print every year, with the exception of the period 1624-1625, in which there were no publications. After the reprint of Il trionfo di Dori and Symphonia angelica, in 1628 and 1629 respectively, no Paduan composer has been included in any of the collections printed in either Italy or abroad between 1630 and 1643, when Varii variorum tam in Italia quam Germania excellentissimorum musicorum concentus was published in Dresden by Seyfert. 4 This collection includes two motets by Leandro Gallerano, which marked the first time these works were included in a collection printed on the other side of the Alps. 5 From a geographical point of view, the most prolific centre for the publication of these works is no doubt Antwerp, which achieved a prominent role in the publishing trade (especially in music printing) thanks to the activity of the Phalèse family. Pierre Phalèse had begun to work as a publisher in Leuven in 1545. He applied for and, in January 1552, received a privilege to print music using movable type. His earliest music publications favoured composers of the Low Countries, especially Clemens non Papa and Crecquillon. From 1560, however, Phalèse showed a bolder and more international approach and ten years later he obtained an important acknowledgment for the quality of his prints. When Phalèse visited Antwerp to be examined by king Philip's prototypographer, Christophe Plantin, the latter declared that Phalèse was "expert in the art of printing music, which he did exclusively, and [was] well versed in Latin, French and Flemish". Some years later the Phalèse family moved to Antwerp, where Pierre Phalèse "the younger" continued the activity of his father, displaying a particular preference for 2 Collections of secular music: RISM B I, 1600 5a , 1600 8 , 1601 5 , 1601 6 (1614 11 and 1628 12 ), 1604 13 , 1611 11 , 1611 12 (1629 8 ), 1613 10 , 1613 13 , 1619 16 and 1620 12 . Collections of sacred music: RISM B I, 1607 6 , 1609 1 , 1609 15 , 1611 1 , 1612 3 , 1613 2 , 1613 6 , 1616 2 , 1617 1 , 1618 2 , 1621 2 , 1622 2 , 1623 2 , 1626 2 , 1627 1 , 1627 2 and 1643 7 .

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A possible explanation for the absence of publications in this period can be found in the economic difficulties of the Basilica of St. Anthony during the first twenty years of the seventeenth century, resulting from a fire that had struck one of the Basilica's buildings. In this period, the music chapel experienced a slight reduction in the number of musicians it employed, which was also the reason for the interruption of musical activity at a number of other times in its history. See PADOAN, Maurizio. La musica al Santo di Padova (1580-1650). Dinamiche finanziarie, organici e compiete quaresimali. In Barocco Padano e musici francescani. L'apporto dei maestri conventuali. Atti del XVI Convegno internazionale sul barocco padano (secoli XVII-XVIII). Padua: Centro Studi Antoniani, 2014, p. 24-32 and 50.
Italian composers. In addition to a large number of madrigal books devoted to single Italian composers (such as Agazzari, Croce, Frescobaldi, Marenzio, Monteverdi, Mosto, Vecchi and others), Phalèse "the younger" also published numerous collections of Italian madrigals. 6 In particular, these included: • Harmonia celeste (Phalèse in collaboration with Jean Bellère, 1583), edited by André Pevernage and reprinted five times between 1589 and 1628; 7 • Musica divina (1583), edited by Phalèse himself and reprinted seven times between 1588 and 1634; 8 • Symphonia angelica (1585), edited by Hubert Waelrant, printed by Phalèse and Bellère, and reprinted four times between 1590 and 1629. Among the c. sixty compositions we also find the madrigal Chiami la vita mia by Lelio Bertani, chapel master at Padua cathedral; 9 • Melodia olympica (1591), reprinted three times between 1594 and 1630. It includes the madrigal Io mi son giovinetta by Giovanni Battista Mosto, who was chapelmaster at Padua cathedral (1584-1588), and the madrigal Movi il tuo plettro Apollo by Lelio Bertani, the successor of Mosto in the same role ten years later. 10 Phalèse followed the practice -well established by the Venetians firms of Gardano and Scotto -of reprinting editions of his own and other's book. In fact from the half of the 16 th century printers realized that one of the cheapest way to reach new audiences was that of proposing the reprints. 11 Among other collections printed by Phalèse, the case of Il trionfo di Dori is particularly interesting. 12 An anthology of twenty-nine six-part Italian madrigals by twenty-nine different composers and poets, had already been printed in Venice by Angelo Gardano in 1592. This compendium inspired commercial ventures and artistic creativity on both side of the Alps. It was reprinted by Gardano in 1599 and also five times in Antwerp by Pierre Phalèse (1595, 1596, 1601, 1614 and 1628). 13 Il trionfo di Dori also inspired The Triumphs of Oriana, a collection of English madrigals edited and published by Thomas Morley in 1601. As in the Venetian collection, in which all madrigals ended with the words "Viva la bella Dori", all twenty-three madrigals by English composers end with the final couplet "Thus sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana: long live fair Oriana". Together with some of the most important composers of the time (such as Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Luca Marenzio, Giovanni Gabrieli and many others), the collection printed in Venice by Gardano also contains works by musicians closely linked to the Paduan chapels, such as Costanzo Porta, his pupil Ludovico Balbi and Lelio Bertani.
Il trionfo di Dori also had a significant influence in the German territory. In fact, twenty-seven years after the first Venetian publication, the collection was reprinted in Leipzig with the title Triumphi de Dorothea. It is striking that in this reprinted version Martin Rinckart replaced the original Italian texts that dealt with pastoral love with texts celebrating the power of music, a central tenet of Lutheran theology. Rinckart aimed to restore most authentic meaning of the collection, by honoring Dorothea and praising the mercy of the almighty Creator because he doesn't believe that the Italian composers honor the true Dorothe, but "rather, her Italian and fleshly nature, a shamed Venus" ("sondern ihrer Welschen und Fleischlichen art nach / ein sch[a]ndde VENUS genennet"). 14 The compositions by Costanzo Porta (Da lo spuntar de matutini albori with a text by Pietro Cresci), Ludovico Balbi (Mentre pastori e ninfe on a text by Marino Palma) and Lelio Bertani (Dori a quest'ombre e l'aura with words by Camillo Camilli) changed their titles, and became Herbey wer Musickunst (Porta), O Mensch bedenck dich eben (Balbi) e Fahr ihn, fahr ihn, fahr mein Klage (Bertani). 15 Rinckart's inspiration for his Triumphi undoubtedly came from the two-part Musicalisches Streitkräntzelein printed in Nuremberg in 1612-1613. This was a two-volume collection that included all twenty-nine madrigals from Il trionfo di Dori provided with German secular texts by Johannes Lyttich. Lyttich taught at the royal Mansfeld Gymnasium, founded in Eisleben by Luther in 1546, and succeeded Rinckart as cantor at the town's Nikolaikirche. 16 This information provides us with further confirmation regarding the influence that this collection had on the compendium edited by Rinckart seven years later, although Lyttich did not propose sacred texts as had been the case with Rinckart (Tab. 4). There are two other suggestive links between Musicalisches Streitkräntzelein and Triumphi de Dorothea. The first one is that Rinckart preserves the three-strophe structure of Lyttich's collections. The second one regard the Latin epigram that opens the second volume of Rest Musicalisches Streitkränzleins which was written by "Martinus Rinckhart Theologus Isleviensis" ("Martin Rinckart, theologian of Eisleben" In his texts, Lyttich retained the pastoral quality of the original Trionfo poems, which tell the story of Arcadian shepherds and nymphs singing praise to the beautiful Dori. The title page of the Musicalisches Streitkränzlein explains that Lyttich's contrafacta honored "excellent authors" and "all chaste German maidens" with "amusing and artful German texts". 18 Following the example of the first Venetian publication, the texts by Lyttich and Rinckart ended all the compositions with an unifying final phrase. Lyttich trasformed the madrigal into strophic canzonettas with three verses for each song that finished with "Meine Schön ist die Beste" ("My love is the best"). Rinckart concludes all his compositions with the refrain "Unsere Kunst bleibt immer und ewig" ("Our art endures forever and ever").
As well as the great majority of the secular production of the sixteenth century, the madrigals contained in the first Venetian edition of I Trionfi di Dori are rich of procedures of word-painting with which the musicians follows the texts. The sprouting of the morning dawn ("Lo spuntar de matutini albori") is described by Costanzo Porta through a rising melody. On the contrary, the setting of the sun ("tramontar del maggior lume") is rendered by a descending line sung by all the voices (Ex. 1). The stream and the waves 18 Musicalische Streitkräntzelein: hiebevorn von den allerfürtrefflichsten unnd berhümtesten Componisten,in welscher Sprach,pro certamine,mit sonderlichem Fleiss,und auffs künnstlichst,mit 6. Stimmen aufgesetzt,und dannenhero Triumphi di Dori oder Dorothea genennet,und  are depicted by a succession of quavers. 19 In the compositions by Balbi and Bertani all the vocal lines describe the bow in honour of the fair Dori through a descending interval. 20 We can't notice the same peculiar adherence to the music in the texts by Lyttich and Rinckart. An exception is represented by the composition "Herbey wer Musickunst verstehet" (Ex. 2). In this piece -and especially in the cantus part -Rinckart puts the word "hoch" ("high") in correspondence with the highest notes of the compositions (Fa 4 ).
By analysing the madrigal with the texts by Rinckart, one can notice that he preserves some features presented in the composition of the Venetian original collection. For example, Rinckart puts the repetitions of a verse in the same bars in which we find a verse repetition also in the Trionfo di Dori (Ex. 3). Besides that, whenever we find a diminution in correspondence of a single syllable in the compositions by Balbi, Bertani and Porta, we detect the same procedure in Rinckart's version as well (Ex. 4). 19 POWLEY,Harrison (ed.),op. cit. ,[214][215][216][217][218][219][220]  In addition to the above-mentioned collections, works of a number of musicians active at the Basilica del Santo and at Padua Cathedral were also included in other significant transalpine anthologies of the seventeenth century. 21 Between 1611 and 1617, the four-volume Promptuarium musicum appeared in print. The first three volumes, edited by Abraham Schadeus, were published by Karl Kieffer in Strasbourg, the fourth was printed by Anton Bertram and its editor was Caspar Vincentius, who edited the organ score of the previous three parts as well. The only Paduan composer included in the first two parts of the Promptuarium was Ludovico Balbi with his motets Hodie Christus natus est and Omnes gentes plaudite. Five of Balbi's compositions also appear in the third part of the collection, where we can also find one composition by Giulio Cartari (who was active as a tenor at St. Anthony's Basilica between 1567 and 1569), two by Costanzo Porta The same five compositions by Ludovico Balbi that were included in the third part of Schadeus' collection re-appear in the Florilegio portense, a collection following the fourpart division of Schadeus' Promptuarium that was published in Leipzig in 1621 by Lamberg. In addition to the compositions of Venetian musicians and those by Balbi, we can also find two compositions by Giulio Belli (Audivi voce de coelo and Cibavit nos Dominus), one by Costanzo Porta (Factum est silentium in coelum) and another one by Giovanni Battista Pinelli, who had been active as a tenor at St. Anthony's between 1575 and 1576. As far as we know, this last composition was published for the first time on this occasion. In addition to the five compositions by Balbi, also those by Belli and Porta had already been included in Schadeus' anthology. 23 The rector of the Latin school in Rottenburg Johannes Donfried was the editor of two other noteworthy collections in which the presence of Paduan composers is significant: • the tripartite Promptuarii musici printed in Strasbourg by Ledertz between 1622 and 1627; 24 • the Viridarium musico-marianum, devoted to Marian pieces as stated in the title, and published by Zetzner in Trier in 1627. 25 In the first two parts of the Promptuarium assembled by Donfried there are eleven pieces by Alvise Balbi, four by his uncle Ludovico Balbi, eight by Giulio Belli and one by Costanzo Porta. The situation changes in the third volume of the Promptuarium and in the Viridarium (both printed in 1627), in which there are only two compositions by Alvise Balbi and two by Giulio Belli.
Despite the awareness that the identification of the routes undertaken by the pieces of music in both time and place is certainly a complex process, I would however propose some hypotheses regarding the way in which these compositions might have crossed the borders of Italy and some of the channels that may have allowed these compositions to come into the hands of the editors of these collections.
One of the main channels for the European diffusion of Italian music books can be identified in the direct acquisition by the source or through their attendance at book fairs in Frankfurt am Main and Leipzig, events that since the fifteenth century represented the nerve centres for the purchase of printed music and places where publishers advertised new titles and exchanged stock with firms across Europe. At the same time, musicians had their own methods for spreading their printed works: some presented copies to institutions and prospective patrons in the hope of a recognition or reward, while others published their own music and acted as retailers for it. 26 Both the reprints of individual collections by Italian composers and the publication of anthologies printed by typographers in Antwerp, Nuremberg, Leiden, London and Copenhagen contributed to reinforce the fortune and dissemination of Italian repertoire all around Europe; and besides that we must not forget the wide diffusion of manuscript copies of Italian music that were sent abroad or acquired in Italy.
Concerning more specifically the pieces by the composers who were active in Padua, we can suppose that the singers and musicians who came there to take part in the activity of the Paduan musical chapels may have contributed to the European dissemination of locally produced works. In fact we know that on the occasions of the most important celebrations of the liturgical calendar, the music chapels of both St. Anthony and the cathedral were enriched by the presence of musicians and singers coming from other Italian and foreign centres. Particularly significant was the establishment in 1596 of the devotional practice of the Quarantore by Marco II Corner, bishop of Padua from 1595 to 1624, who was remembered as an enlightened patron and a great music lover. The Quarantore was a kind of "spiritual carnival" that became an annual occasion for the performance of majestic vocal and instrumental sacred music in a sumptuously decorated cathedral with singers and musicians who came mainly from Venice, Verona and Milan. Supplementary musicians were appointed directly by the bishop, who entrusted the organisation and the musical direction to the cathedral's chapel master. 27 Although further investigation is still necessary in order to fully understand the routes of dissemination of the repertoire of the composers of the Paduan territory, and despite of the fact that anthologies exclusively dedicated to the production of the musicians who were active in the two Paduan chapels do not exist, it is nevertheless evident that their compositions were able to find a relevant place among the pages of the numerous miscellanea published outside the Italian borders in the first half of the seventeenth century.