Transitivity and self-caused readings in Spanish deverbal nouns

Název: Transitivity and self-caused readings in Spanish deverbal nouns
Zdrojový dokument: Linguistica Brunensia. 2017, roč. 65, č. 1, s. 21-36
  • ISSN
    1803-7410 (print)
    2336-4440 (online)
Type: Článek
Licence: Neurčená licence
This paper examines the structural properties underlying the distribution and interpretation of two types of deverbal nouns in Spanish: miento nominals (e.g. hundimiento 'the sinking') and do/da nominals (e.g. secado 'the drying'); the first may combine with unaccusatives and verbs that enter the causative alternation, targeting the anticausative reading. By contrast, the latter type may select unergatives and the so-called incremental theme verbs, yielding a causative reading. Based on empirical evidence, I argue that the distributional and interpretive differences observed follow from the fact that these nominalizers are sensitive to different syntactic configurations in the event domain: building on Ramchand's decompositional analysis, I propose that the event structure of do/da nominals identifies a sequence [initi, proci], where subjects are interpreted as thematic Actors, and I show how this correlates with the absence of miento and the impossibility of reflexive readings (e.g. lavado 'the washing *of oneself /*by itself').
  • This work has been supported by the Research Group HiTT (Basque Government, IT769-13).
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